A Humanitarian Agreement is Urgently Needed to Respect Life and Dignity
Statement on 4 Feb Demonstrations against the FARC from the Colombia Solidarity Campaign.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez holds the granddaughter of former hostage Consuelo Gonzalez(left) during a welcome home celebration attended by Gonzales’ daughter, Maria Fernanda Perdomo (center). Chavez mediated the release of two FARC hostages
Social movements warn that 4 February demonstrations will polarise Colombia and “lead to prolonging the internal war in our country, and close off the possibility that the actors involved will humanise the armed conflict”.
The round of demonstrations against the FARC to be held in Colombia and abroad on 4 February are not simply a spontaneous initiative of ordinary citizens, as they are disingenuously portrayed. 4 February has become the focus of an orchestrated campaign to manipulate international opinion away from backing a negotiated, humanitarian agreement as the most hopeful means towards a peaceful settlement to the country’s armed conflict. Rather than a celebration of citizen power 4 February is a tragedy in the making.
The Colombia Solidarity Campaign urges that attention be paid to the voice of the political opposition, to social movements and victim groups who consider that 4 February is a dangerous and polarising initiative that could wipe away the tentative steps towards a humanitarian agreement between the government and the FARC.
POSITION OF THE OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
The opposition party Polo Democratico Alternativo and the CUT trade union federation will be holding their own demonstration on 4 February calling “For the Humanitarian Accord: No to war, No to kidnappings”. The Polo makes clear that its attitude cannot
“be assumed to be either supportive of the FARC, kidnappings or crimes against humanity or supportive of the government of Alvaro Uribe, which it opposes unequivocally for its authoritarian and regressive nature”. (The Polo’s full statement is attached.)
Diverse social movements in Colombia are refusing to participate. The Colombian University Students Association, ACEU states:
“we, [the] university students…… will not march for the war as we are convinced of [the viability of] a political and negotiated exit to the social and armed conflict. As university students, we believe in the importance of debate, discussion and the construction of alternatives to the present regime. We invite all Colombians not to play the game of these war propositions and still wait for calls to march by mass media and the national government to eradicate poverty, the hunger that kills many children of Colombia, illiteracy, etc.
The School Teachers Association of Antioquia – ADIDA – “will not participate as the demonstration is about a false dilemma that the government is now posing to the Colombian people”. The association explains that although ADIDA rejects the armed struggle,
“neither is it willing to yield in the confrontation with a war-like and clientelistic government which is suspected of links with the paramilitaries. To the detriment of resources for education, health, sanitation and drinking water, today the regime maintains a budget which has the highest level of funds dedicated to war in the world – 6.3% of the GDP.”
Perhaps most tellingly of all, an array of organisations representing socially oppressed groups including the national indigenous movement ONIC, the popular women’s organisation OFP, the Process of Black Communities PCN and the CNA campesino alliance warn that the 4 February demonstrations
“will lead to prolonging the internal war in our country, and close off the possibility that the actors involved will humanise the armed conflict” (full statement attached).
There is grave concern that the 4 February demonstrations will be made use of to extinguish all hope of a humanitarian accord in the foreseeable future.
URIBE ATTEMPTS TO SCUPPER HUMANITARIAN AGREEMENT
It is important to locate the 4 February demonstrations in the context of the fast moving developments since August 2007 when Colombia’s President Uribe invited Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in to mediate in the armed conflict. Working with the families and Senator Piedad Cordoba, Chávez was able to facilitate talks with the FARC that culminated on 10 January 2008 with the guerrilla group releasing Senator Consuelo González and Clara Rojas, aide to former presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt, into the custody of the International Red Cross and the Venezuelan authorities. With goodwill from the principle actors, this initial success could have opened the way to a more comprehensive agreement covering the exchange of imprisoned guerrillas for kidnap victims.
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